Book Review
Explaining
Supreme Court Doctrine:
Saying What the Law is
by Charles Fried
(Harvard Univ. Press, 2004)
reviewed by Richard A.
Forsten, Esquire
Professor Charles Fried served as Solicitor General
for several years under Reagan, and also served for four years
as an Associate Justice on the Massachusetts Supreme Court.
His new book, Saying What the Law is, The Constitution In
The Supreme Court, is, in his words, “neither a treatise
nor a reference work.” Rather, “it offers an understanding
of the main topics of constitutional law.” In other words,
Fried looks at several areas of constitutional law and in each
area attempts to set forth what he sees as the underlying themes
and theories which bring coherence to each of these disparate
areas.
Specifically, Fried looks at six areas of constitutional
law: federalism, separation of powers, speech, religion, liberty,
and equality. In each of the areas he examines, Fried offers
interesting insights about constitutional doctrine, but his
short afterword at the end may be the most interesting part
of his book.
The book begins with a review of the Supreme Court’s most
recent decisions involving federalism. After a general history
of the Court’s federalism decisions, culminating in NLRB
v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp. and Wickard v.
Filburn, Fried examines the recent Supreme Court decisions
in United States v. Lopez (which struck down the federal
Gun-Free School Zones Act) and United States v. Morrison
(striking down certain provisions of the Violence Against
Women Act) – the first two cases to strike down congressional
legislation as exceeding Congress’ Commerce Clause power
since before the New Deal. While many commentators have expressed
alarm that the current Court is attempting to roll back constitutional
doctrine, Fried believes the Court was simply trying to find
a standard that still provided meaning to the constitutional
text. Under the Commerce Clause, Congress can regulate people
and things moving in interstate commerce, and economic activity
that has a substantial effect on interstate commerce, but the
Court has attempted to draw a standard which prevents Congress
from essentially being able to regulate everything, including
those areas that have traditionally been areas of state and
local concern.
With respect to religion and the establishment
clause in particular, Fried provides the background, but is
less successful in deriving any cohesive themes. Indeed, he
refers to Supreme Court decisions in this area as a “jumble
of doctrine, conflicting precedents, and uncertain principles.”
Part of the problem, of course, is that the Supreme Court itself
has been conflicted over time on the meaning of the establishment
clause and the free exercise of religion. Ultimately, Fried
concludes with the metaphor and hope that the “religion
clause doctrine should leave considerable distance between the
floor of free exercise and the ceiling of establishment.”
However, he expresses concern that “some of the [Court’s]
more extreme doctrines…[n]ot only leave no room between
the ceiling and the floor but sometimes set the floor above
the ceiling.”
In his chapter on liberty, Fried provides an excellent
short history of substantive due process and fundamental rights,
tracing the Supreme Court case law from the second Justice Harlan’s
dissent in Poe v. Ullman to the Court’s recent
invalidation of Texas’ sodomy laws in Lawrence v.
Texas. In his chapter on equality, Fried offers some interesting
observations in connection with the Court’s recent decisions
regarding affirmative action at the University of Michigan.
After quoting Justice O’Connor’s statement that
it has been 25 years since Bakke and that 25 years from now
the Court expects that racial preferences will no longer be
necessary, Fried complains:
“This [25-year expectation] is no limitation
at all. Fifty years are long enough to make dividing us up by
race a habit, to create a practically and politically unshakeable
sense of entitlement in those who think they benefit from such
schemes and in the racial entrepreneurs who know they do. And
even Justice O’ Connor’s too distant end point is
expressed only as an expectation. It may be that the only way
to get beyond racism is just to stop using race – not
today or tomorrow but with all deliberate speed, in say, five
or seven years. Only with such a determinative end point will
institutions have the incentive to confront the political pressures
arrayed against a truly unitary concept of citizenship. I believe
the Court should have allowed both programs to continue, but
only on condition that the university revise them to state a
fixed, determinate period of years after which they would come
to an end.”
Fried’s short (5 page) afterword, though,
provides perhaps his most interesting observations. He begins
by explaining:
“In the first chapter I left open whether
doctrine is possible for the controverted and difficult questions
of constitutional law and whether the Court is in fact constrained
by doctrine. If the answer to these questions is no, then there
is no constitutional law; there are only constitutional decisions.
The chapters that followed displayed those decisions as if doctrine
is possible and – what comes to the same thing –
as if doctrine does guide the Court. I have proceeded almost
as if politics did not exist. . . If politics – in the
high sense of policies championed out of a commitment to a controverted
conception of the public good – ruled the Court, then
each new appointment would be like a new election, with decisions
determined by party platforms.
“The work of the Court has not been like
that. It would take Olympian confidence in one’s own powers
of discernment to wave aside as so much high-blown rhetoric
the elaborate doctrinal structures I have displayed in this
book – rhetoric that digs no channels to confine the flow
of decision. A law professor or political scientist may be tempted
to such an Olympian stance. But I have worked not only as a
scholar and teacher but as an advocate before the Court. An
advocate may only rarely and discreetly allow himself to urge
his case in political terms. Almost the whole work of the advocate
is to take doctrine seriously and to show how the position he
urges fits into existing doctrine, or occasionally how the advocate’s
position may be adopted by the Court so that it will work as
doctrine and precedent into the indefinite future.”
Having concluded with his belief in doctrine,
Fried allows himself a brief moment to speculate on the future
direction of the Court, as new justices join and current justices
depart. He is fairly sanguine that there will be few reversals
of existing cases – even those decided by a narrow 5-4
majority – as he does not believe those cases meet the
requirements for reversal as laid out by the joint opinion in
Planned Parenthood v. Casey, when the Court refused
to reverse Roe v. Wade.
As a former judge and former solicitor general,
Fried is well-positioned to write on constitutional doctrines,
and his book does what he set out to do: “it offers an
understanding of the main topics of constitutional law,”
and it does so in a well-written, concise manner that also offers
many interesting insights.