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Book Review
Lies
My Law Professors Told Me:
The Lochner Court, Myth and Reality
by Michael J. Phillips (Praeger, 2001)
reviewed by Richard A. Forsten,
Esquire
One of the more denigrating comments someone can
make about a judicial opinion these days is that a court is
"Lochnerizing" that is, a court is unjustifiably
substituting its own preferred values for those of a legislature
or administrative body by striking down some law or regulation
on the basis of due process. In law school we are taught, generally
speaking, that the "nine old men" who made up the
Supreme Court at the end of the nineteenth century and into
the early twentieth century regularly struck down progressive
legislation designed to aid society on the basis of "substantive
due process" or "freedom of contract." We are
told that in reality these justices were not upholding established
constitutional values, but were, in fact, either knowingly or
unknowingly, reading their own preferences and biases into the
Constitution and using these biases to strike down legislation
with which they disagreed. The most famous of these decisions
was, of course, the Supreme Court's 1905 decision in Lochner
v. New York, but the "myth" of Lochner
is that there were some 200 of these decisions between the late
1890's and the 1930's, until the "switch in time that saved
nine" finally put an end to Lochner and its progeny.
Professor Michael J. Phillips did something that
no one seems to have done before. He went back and took a very
close look at Lochner and numerous other cases. What he finds
is a very different picture from that presented by the standard
story. His book, The Lochner Court, Myth and Reality,
is an overview of the Lochner case and other substantive
due process cases from that period, and a review of the standard
theories offered by many as to why "Lochnerizing"
was so prevalent. His conclusions, as one might surmise from
the title of the book, differ sharply from the standard accounts.
Ultimately, he concludes that "Lochnerizing" occurred
far less frequently than is presumed, and that a great many
more statutes were upheld rather than struck down by the Court
during this period. He also rejects many of the standard hypotheses
as to why "Lochnerizing" occurred (i.e., the
Court was pro-business, the Court was slavishly devoted to "freedom
of contract" and didn't understand the unequal bargaining
power then prevalent, etc.), and ultimately concludes that we
ought to take the Court's majority in Lochner and similar
cases at their word that the Justices were protecting
liberty and property from unreasonable government restraint
or interference. Phillips writes:
Why should anyone believe it [that
the Justices were honestly trying simply to protect liberty
and property]? The better question, I think, is why anyone should
not believe that the main inspiration for Lochner-era
substantive due process was the justices' desire to protect
liberty and property against government action. Whatever else
it may have accomplished, the old Court at least protected the
claimant's liberty or property in the cases where it granted
a substantive due process claim. That, furthermore, is what
the justices said they were doing in such cases. Sometimes people's
stated reasons for doing something are their real ones, and
sometimes the superficially plausible explanation for a social
phenomenon is the real one, too.
Phillips begins his book with a
quick overview of the statistics. Rather than 200 or so substantive
due process cases during the Lochner era where statutes
and regulations were struck down, Phillips concludes that there
were only approximately 56 "core" substantive due process
cases during the 40-year period, or maybe 110 cases if you include
cases involving rates for regulated industries (railroads, etc.)
and challenges to regulations adopted in connection with regulated
industries. Thus, the number of cases is half what is supposed.
Furthermore, of these, only fifteen actually involved freedom
of contract or liberty of contract. Moreover, the number of unsuccessful
challenges is rarely mentioned in discussions of Lochner,
but perhaps equally important. For example, in employment cases,
the Court struck down 12 statutes, but upheld some 43 statutes.
Similarly, in cases involving the regulation of business, the
Court struck down 12 statutes but upheld some 59 statutes. In
other words, substantive due process challenges were much more
likely to be unsuccessful than successful during the Lochner
era.
Of course, one can still say, "so what?"
After all, there were still some 56 or 110 cases where the Court
did strike down statutes or regulations for the wrong reasons.
Isn't that the point? Maybe, but maybe not. As already pointed
out, of the 56 "core" substantive due process decisions,
very few rest on freedom of contract grounds. Others involve
taxation, takings, tort remedies, and otherwise "humdrum"
subjects. Some involve occupational liberty and parental rights
and no doubt are still applauded today. For example, in the
cases of Meyer v. Nebraska and Pierce v. Society of
Sisters, the Court affirmed and protected parents' substantive
due process rights to control the upbringing and education of
their children. In short, it is not quite so easy to pigeonhole
Lochner-type decisions.
If the Lochner story indeed consists of
hyperbole and myth, there are two questions which quickly come
to mind: (1) why is the Lochner story so greatly exaggerated?
and (2) what does a more careful and critical understanding
of Lochner and its progeny tell us? Phillips only gives
us a partial answer to these questions:
My explanation for the Progressives'
extreme portrayals of the old Court, then, is not that it habitually
struck down laws regulating social and economic matters but
that it did so at all. This of course presupposes that these
people had a strong attachment to government regulation. . .
. Because the need for regulation was obvious to any thinking
person, furthermore, the relatively few decisions striking it
down could only spring from corruption, ignorance, or ideological
passion.
In other words, according to Phillips, progressives of the
era and thereafter, who had complete and utter faith in the
power of government, could simply not accept any attempt by
the Court to rein in government regulation, even where, in some
instances, some would argue that reining in was necessary. But
what does a more balanced understanding of Lochner mean?
Should the modern judiciary return to the Lochner era?
Phillips does not suggest such a course, but he would no doubt
be happy if the Court applied a stricter standard than rational
basis review to many statutes and regulations. These concluding
thoughts, though, are hardly convincing. While the conventional
story of Lochner may be oversimplified, overstated and
simply wrong, the case has come to stand for something more
than the actual decision reached, and, as they said about the
man who shot Liberty Valence, when the legend becomes fact,
print the legend.
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